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Frank Moore Cross, 1921-2012

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REPORTS ARE COMING IN from many sources that my beloved doctoral supervisor Frank Moore Cross passed away peacefully yesterday, aged 91. I studied with Professor Cross at Harvard University from 1983 to 1988, writing a dissertation under him on unpublished manuscripts of Genesis and Exodus from Qumran Cave 4, one of the last of the over 100 dissertations he supervised.

I read Northwest Semitic inscriptions and Ugaritic with him, and also took his class on the textual criticism of 1-2 Samuel. I recall spending endless hours in the library vocalizing arcane texts with Sidnie White (Crawford), Julie Duncan, and Russ Fuller for his classes. He also graciously agreed to do a special readings course in early Hebrew poetry with Sidnie, Julie, and me toward the end of our time in the NELC program. Among ourselves we referred to him as "FMC," but our other nickname for him (never to his face, although I bet Sidnie told him about it later) was "El," the mighty head of the Canaanite pantheon. It was the beard, you see. Along with the regal sense of authority and wisdom.

As a student I was terrified of him, although he was always thoughtful and kind to me, as to all his students. I learned vastly from him, not only about Semitic philology and paleography, but also about academic politics and scholars as people. He was an excellent teacher who expected and got the very best from his students, and he also taught by example, just by being who he was. He had a wry sense of humor and he had endless entertaining stories. It was very important to him to get to know each student as an individual and to keep track of his students' careers once they had graduated. He told us once in class how frustrating it was for him to run into an old student at a conference and immediately to remember that student's dissertation topic, every position the student had held since graduating, and the name of the student's spouse and children, but not to be able to remember that student's name. Then he said that when this happened (and I'm sure it was exceedingly rare), he would tell the story about how William Foxwell Albright was once introducing Cross and David Noel Freedman at length and with great praise about how they were two of his star students, and then Albright couldn't remember either of their names.

Frank's influence on me is extensive, wide-ranging, and pervasive. Some of what I learned from him took years to sink in. His influence in many fields has been enormous: Hebrew Bible, Northwest Semitic epigraphy, Ugaritic, and, of course, the Dead Sea Scrolls. And a great many of the scholars who entered those fields in the twentieth century were trained by him. On Facebook, Sidnie writes "He was, for me, the real Teacher of Righteousness." Amen to that. And as Jack Sasson said on the Agade List, "Truly, the end of an era."

A Wikipedia biography is here. Some past PaleoJudaica posts mentioning him are here, here, here, here, here, here, here, and here.

The gracious gods are welcoming him into their midst. Requiescat in pace, Frank.

Sundial from Chakidiki

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From Greek Reporter:

One of the rarest sundials dating from the Greco-Roman period was found in Polichrono in Chalkidiki.This sundial is not a usual one as it shows the correct time at any given place.

It is noteworthy that in the Ancient Greek world, sundials consisted of a gnomon (indicator in Ancient Greek) in the form of a vertical post or peg set in a flat surface, upon which the shadow of the gnomon served to indicate the time.

This sundial has a surface which is separated in 12 parts representing 12 hours of the day. More particularly, the sundial consists of a hyperbola tracing the shadow’s path at the winter solstice, a second one for the summer solstice, and a straight east-west line in between marking the equinoctial shadows.

A line from the base of the gnomon to the south of the dial running due north denotes noontime. The hyperbola is centered on this noon line. The winter hyperbola opens to the north, the summer hyperbola to the south. In addition to the center noon line, additional oblique lines are added on either side to denote the hours of daylight before and after noon.

Archaeologist of the 16th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, Betina Tsigarida, specialist in the area of Chalkidiki, was the one to find the sundial and was given it as a reward for her work.

via: Old Sundial Found in Chalkidiki (Greek Reporter)


Red Polished Philia pottery from Cyprus

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October 24, 2012 - 12:36 PM - FITCH-WIENER LABS SEMINAR Dr. Maria Dikomitou-Eliadou (University of Cyprus, Fitch Bursary Holder)

Oh Noh, Medea

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This is kind of interesting, from a comparanda point of view:


Seeds from a distant past

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November 28, 2012 - 12:39 PM - FITCH-WIENER LABS SEMINAR Dr Georgia Kotzamani (Ephoreia of Palaioanthropology and Speleology, Fitch Bursary Holder)

Action Philosophers! Thales! Anaximander!

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Over at Brain Pickings — one of our fave distractions — Maria Popova alerted us to this massive graphic novelesque effort called Action Philosophers … it includes some excerpts which happen to be within our purview (scroll down past the Cartesian and Peanuts gang):


CJ Online Review: Mirto, Death in the Greek World

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posted with permission:

Death in the Greek World: From Homer to the Classical Age. By Maria Serena Mirto. Translated by A. M. Osborne. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2012. Pp. x + 197. Paper, $19.95/£19.95. ISBN 978-0-8061-4187-9.

Reviewed by Robert Garland, Colgate University

As “a general synthesis of people’s relationships with death in the Greek world,” this book has much to commend it. In attempting to establish a convincing thesis that makes an original contribution to our understanding of social attitude it is rather less successful.

Mirto’s first chapter, which is entitled “Life and Death in Popular Belief,” offers an interpretation of “popular” on evidence predominantly drawn from Homer. Quotations from the Homeric poems also dominate Ch. 3 and are central to Ch. 5, accounting for well over a third of all the passages discussed in the entire book. It would have been helpful to have some acknowledgement of the artificiality of any literary genre, epic in particular, as well as some justification for the tacit assumption that Homeric ideas and practices may legitimately be regarded as popular. Citing Il. 23.179 Mirto observes, “Even death cannot interrupt [Achilles’
and Patroclus’] heroic friendship … in a paradox that overturns and challenges the usual understanding” (p. 113). But what is “usual” in the seventh century and what comparison do we have to go by?

The predominant appeal to Homer also presents Mirto with a significant conceptual challenge in her attempt to detect a line of evolution from Archaic to Classical eschatological belief, as she seeks to identify “the beginnings of a trend away from the calm acceptance that characterized the response of small eighth-century B.C. communities toward the anxieties attending a more individualized vision of death” (p. 4). Again, how can we be sure that this is what occurred, even in the most general terms? One of the striking features of Greek eschatology is that expressions of anxiety relating to death are rare for any period of history. True, the rise of the mystery religions, coupled with the discovery of Bacchic gold leaf tablets, etc., which Mirto discusses with admirable clarity in Ch. 2, does demonstrate evidence of concern about one’s fate in the afterlife. But while this evidence can be taken to indicate greater “anxiety” in some quarters, it remains unclear how widely this feeling would have been shared by the Greek population overall. On the basis of the limited archaeological testimonia that have so far come to light, it seems that only a minuscule fraction of the population signed up for the more esoteric forms of eschatological belief, and even the mystery religions, Eleusis included, may not have been mainstream. I am therefore uncomfortable with Mirto’s claim that this material can be interpreted to indicate that “A Revolution of Hope” (her chapter heading for this presumed development) occurred presumably at some point in the Classical period. Ch. 3, which examines funerary ritual, is entitled “The Long Farewell” because of the duration of the mourning period. I have problems with the claim that “the democratic polis … diminished the woman’s role in the laments and in the ceremony more generally” (p. 81), since, if this is true at all, it only relates to the burial of the war dead. The fact is, however, that we know little about the ritual surrounding the epitaphios logos and should not assume that women had no place in the ceremony. Ch. 4 discusses funerary monuments and tomb cult, including hero cult. Ch. 5, entitled “Making Good Use of Death,” examines the concept of heroic death in Homer and other Archaic poets, the state burial of the Athenian war dead, and funerary legislation. The Appendix offers an overview of the history of the study of death in ancient Greece. More distinction between categories of the dead would have been welcome. Instead, the dead are treated largely as a single entity.

Mirto deserves credit for providing a helpful and at times illuminating discussion of a ceaselessly fascinating topic that has as much to tell us about Greek attitudes towards life as it does about attitudes towards death. In the end nothing is more elusive, more personal, or more idiosyncratic than beliefs about the afterlife, even in the case of a single individual. Students of death must do the best they can with the literary and archeological evidence, even though the two are hardly ever on speaking terms. In conclusion, this is an up-to-date synthesis of a subject that is impossible to explore and explicate in such a brief compass without indulging in generalizations.


Assessing a papyrus: is scholarship less valuable than science?

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Mark Goodacre (with whom I disagree profoundly on almost everything, I suspect) has an article at his blog today about the papyrus fragment which has been called the “Gospel of Jesus’ Wife” and is under suspicion of being a forgery.  He raises an interesting point:

Another theme that has emerged in some discussions has been a kind of dualism between “science” and textual study, with the suggestion that “science” alone will be able to settle the question of authenticity, and that textual scholarship is a kind of parlour game that can be played by anyone.  The way that scholarship actually works is as a collaborative enterprise, in which different scholars study the evidence, talk to one another, try out ideas, put forward hypotheses and test them.  Physical examination of manuscripts has a very important role to play in discussions like this, but it is one part of the discussion, not inately superior to the work done by experts on Coptology, papyrology, textual criticism, source criticism and so on.

I agree with this, to a considerable degree.  I think there is mixed thinking in the public mind. 

Perhaps my own thoughts will be of wider interest, as someone with a hard science degree of the hardest kind, who has pursued an interest in manuscript and textual studies.

If you can put something to do with a manuscript into a test-tube and boil it until it turns blue (or red, or whatever), you will be able to ascertain something definite.  Unfortunately that something will probably be very limited.  In the case of the papyrus, it should be possible to carbon date the papyrus material, and do some form of chemical analysis of the ink.  The date that will emerge for the papyrus will tell us whether the material is ancient or modern.  The ink analysis, if there is enough to work with, will tell us whether the writer used chemicals unknown in manuscripts universally agreed to be ancient.

These are good things to do.  They are destructive, however, so we must be wary.  But they will give us results, within the range of accuracy of the technology.  They will give us data.

But other data is also available from scholarship, which is not inferior in kind.  Someone who has seen many, many fragments of Coptic papyri will be able to tell us, in a systematic, detailed, referenced way, whether the writing has features not seen in other fragments.  The statement that he makes is just as much a fact as the output of C-14.  Either there are other examples of papyri which have some quirk of writing in them; or there are not.

Likewise a scholar can compile a list of all the manuscripts which have a date on them, with examples of the kind of handwriting then in vogue.  With this list it is easy to pick out something which does not fit; that is supposedly of one date, yet written in a hand unknown at the time.  This again is data.  This is the discipline of paleography. 

Paleography can be taken too far.  Dates may be given which, in reality, are based on inference upon inference.  Alin Suciu tells us that there are no worthwhile dates for any Coptic papyri.  Brent Nongbri has asserted that all the dates for 2nd century Greek papyrus fragments are basically rubbish (albeit in a paper with an openly stated motive for getting rid of certain dates).  And here we enter the thorny field of what is good scholarship, and what is bad. 

Here scholarship does differ from science.  It is much easier for scholarship to drift away from the data, and into something which is in fact opinion-driven.   It is easy, because scholarship has only one mechanism to prevent this drift, which is the process of peer-review; and it doesn’t work, when there is any question of politics or religion, because in any country the opinions of academics on controversial subjects commonly reflect the views of those who control academic appointments.  For instance, if we look at papers in patristics published in the 19th century, we can easily see the Catholic and Protestant papers. 

This is the problem with scholarship.  There is marvellous work done within the field.  But there is a real need for some kind of structural change.  There needs to be a better mechanism to exclude material which is (whether intentionally or not) unscholarly.  In some disciplines, particularly those with a static data base, the statements of the academy as to the “consensus of scholars” are of no value as a guide to fact.  And this is, in truth, well known in the world in general.

My own academic training is in Chemistry, which is definitely one of the “hard sciences”.   I remember, at college, that I didn’t consider scholarship to be worth much.  It was, I thought, merely a bunch of people decorating their prejudices with the results of a library search.  I believed that I could probably write anything they had to say myself, given a bit of time.

I suspect that such an opinion is widespread among science undergraduates even today.  I suspect that it lurks in the public mind generally. 

Nor is it entirely an unfair attitude.   There are academic disciplines which justify this kind of thinking.  We all remember sociology, and how it enjoyed wide esteem in the eyes of the media in the 70′s.  “Sociologist” and “left wing lunatic” seemed almost synonymous then.  It crashed and burned in the 80′s, when times changed.  Does anyone now study that, I wonder?  It was a pseudo-discipline, in practice if not in theory.  Economics had a narrow brush with the same disaster in the same period, but redeemed itself.

One reason why I myself held this view, even though I was interested in ancient history even then, was the sort of books about biblical scholarship found on shelves at Blackwells’ bookshop.  I was somewhat interested in what they had to say.  But I found that it was only necessary to read a page or two of this to feel both a deep contempt for them and what they were doing.  It was entirely opinion-driven, rather than data-driven.  A couple of simple questions — “how do I know that this is true?” and “where is the evidence that you didn’t just make this up?” — were usually enough to terminate my interest in them.  I came to a different mind only when I happened to read T. D. Barnes, Tertullian: a literary and historical study (1971).  That book I knew that I could not have written, however long I spent in a library.  That was my first encounter with real scholarship.

The truth was that the books that I had seen — I have no memory of which they were — were examples of bad scholarship.  They were not representative of all scholarship.

In a similar way, most ordinary people would run a mile rather than hear a sermon.  The word itself, in the popular mind, is synonymous with woolly sanctimonious empty tedium.  That impression, no doubt, is based mainly on TV portrayals, and perhaps the memory of schooldays when the padre got up and said something meaningless.  But when I went to a real church, I heard real sermons.  My original impression of a sermon was really a memory of bad sermons, not of all sermons.

The solution to this problem is to stop doing bad scholarship.  Do good scholarship.  And devise a method to know the difference, and implement it.

Whether this is something that can be achieved by academics, or whether in fact it will require a change to our universities I cannot say.  But some scholarship deserves better than it gets.


Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights 13.11.1-2

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lepidissimus liber est M. Varronis ex satiris Menippeis qui inscribitur ‘nescis quid vesper serus vehat’, in quo diserit de apto convivarum numero deque ipsius convivii habitu cultuque. dicit autem convivarum numerum incipere oportere a Gratiarum numero et progredi ad Musarum, id est proficisci a tribus et consistere in novem, ut cum paucissimi convivae sunt non pauciores sint quam tres, cum plurimi non plures quam novem.

The book of Marcus Varro, from his Menippean satires, which is entitled ‘You don’t know what the late evening might bring’, is most charming; in it he discusses the appropriate number of dinner-guests and the ordering and arrangement of the dinner-party itself. He says that the number of guests ought to begin from the number of the Graces and go on until that of the Muses – in other words, it should start out from three and stop at nine, so that when the guests are fewest they are not fewer than three, and when they are most in number they are not more than nine.


Filed under: Aulus Gellius, Varro

New Morbid Terminology: Grave Wax

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Grave wax is a wax-like organic substance that appears as crumbly and waxy material consisting mostly of saturated fatty acids that appears in certain graves. The color of the wax depends on the color of the body fat; white or brown body fat produces adipocere that is grayish white or tan. The substance is also known as corpse or … Continue reading »

Neandertals in North Africa

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Let me enter the following points which might be very relevant to the finding that in North Africa: "the Neandertal's genetic signal is higher in populations with a local, pre-Neolithic North African ancestry".

First of all, this is unexpected if Neandertal admixture took place in the Near East; if that were the case, then Near Eastern back-migrants would be more Neandertal-like than aboriginal Homo sapiens that had not participated in the Out-of-Africa event.

Second, I have followed up on John Hawks' suggestion that UP Europeans were more Neandertal-admixed than current Europeans, and using Oetzi's genome, discovered that potentially this is true. This is also unexpected if admixture with Neandertals took place in the Near East.

A link between aboriginal North Africans and UP Europeans of course exists: relationships between the Mechta-Afalou and Cro-Magnoids have long been recognized in physical anthropology.

An even more remote link involves Jebel Irhoud 1, the first modern human whose skull we possess from North Africa. Not only were the associated industries Mousterian (same as European Neandertals), but the skull itself was originally considered to be an African Neandertal, before it was reclassified as a member of H. sapiens.

I will update this entry after reading the paper with any further observations.

PLoS ONE 7(10): e47765. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0047765

North African Populations Carry the Signature of Admixture with Neandertals

Federico Sánchez-Quinto et al.

One of the main findings derived from the analysis of the Neandertal genome was the evidence for admixture between Neandertals and non-African modern humans. An alternative scenario is that the ancestral population of non-Africans was closer to Neandertals than to Africans because of ancient population substructure. Thus, the study of North African populations is crucial for testing both hypotheses. We analyzed a total of 780,000 SNPs in 125 individuals representing seven different North African locations and searched for their ancestral/derived state in comparison to different human populations and Neandertals. We found that North African populations have a significant excess of derived alleles shared with Neandertals, when compared to sub-Saharan Africans. This excess is similar to that found in non-African humans, a fact that can be interpreted as a sign of Neandertal admixture. Furthermore, the Neandertal's genetic signal is higher in populations with a local, pre-Neolithic North African ancestry. Therefore, the detected ancient admixture is not due to recent Near Eastern or European migrations. Sub-Saharan populations are the only ones not affected by the admixture event with Neandertals.

Link

Picture of the Week: Appian Way with Ancient Paving Stones

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(Post by Seth M. Rodriquez)

When people think of "biblical archaeology" they usually think of cities such as Jerusalem, Jericho, or Capernaum.  However, sometimes a road can be just as valuable as an archaeological "site."

Our picture of the week is from Volume 15 of the revised and expanded version of the Pictorial Library of Bible Lands, which focuses on Rome. The photo is entitled, "Appian Way with Ancient Paving Stones."



Although never explicitly mentioned in Acts 28, there can be little doubt that the Apostle Paul walked this road as he traveled from Puteoli (Acts 28:13) to Rome (Acts 28:14).  From Puteoli, Paul and his escort of Roman soldiers probably travelled north to Capuae (also spelled Capua) where they travelled the rest of the journey to Rome on the Appian Way.  In his 1962 work on Archaeology and the New Testament, Merrill F. Unger describes the journey in this way:

Not far from Puteoli at Capua, Paul and the group got on the Appian Way which connected with Rome via The Forum of Appius and The Three Taverns.  Extensive sections of this well-paved road, planned by the censor Appius Claudius Caecus in 312 B.C., still exist, lined with tombs, sites of ancient Roman villas, and ruins of ancient aqueducts. ... From Capua it was 132 miles to Rome. ...

Since the Appian Way from Capua to Terracina Romeward skirted near the shore, picturesque vistas of land often combined with a magnificent view of the sea. ...

At the Forum of Appius, 43 miles from the metropolis on the Tiber, Paul and the group had a pleasant surprise.  Some of the believers at Rome, Luke writes, "came to meet us" (Acts 28:15), employing a word (apantēsis) technically used for the official welcome of a visiting dignitary by a deputation which went out of a city to greet him and conduct him on his way for the last part of his journey. ...

Now on both sides of the Appian Way were seen the tombs and funerary memorials of the generals, conquerors, and distinguished men who had raised an obscure Italian town to the position of the first city of the world, and surrounded it with a halo of martial glory unexcelled by any other metropolis.  Many of these illustrious Romans had passed over this same road to enjoy a magnificent triumph in the city.  But the prisoner who that day was surrounded by a retinue of converts and a few Roman soldiers was being led in a triumph far more memorable than that of any victorious Roman general.


Excerpt is taken from Merrill F. Unger, Archaeology and the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1962), 314-316, and can be purchased here.  This and other photos of Rome are included in Volume 15 of the Pictorial Library of Bible Lands and can be purchased here.

ADMIXTURE tracks Amerindian-like admixture in northern Europe

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I have recently assembled a new "world" dataset of 4,280 individuals that I am currently incrementally analyzing with ADMIXTURE. But, I noticed an interesting pattern at K=4 that I wanted to share right away.

4 ancestral populations emerge at this level of resolution, which I have named: European, Asian, African, Amerindian. The names aren't important, and you can replace them with whatever you prefer. 

The interesting thing about this K=4 analysis is that European populations show evidence of Amerindian admixture, consistent with the pattern inferred using f-statistics, where European populations show admixture between Sardinians and a Karitiana-like population.

This pattern may have emerged at previous ADMIXTURE analyses at this level of resolution, but thanks to the f3 evidence presented in previous posts, it is now clear that it is no quirk of ADMIXTURE, but indicative of a real (albeit still rather mysterious) pattern of gene flow that differentially affected European populations.

For example, the Irish_D population has 7.6% of the Amerindian component, and so do HGDP Orcadians. HGDP Sardinians have only 1.7% of it, which appears to be the minimum in Europe, with French_Basque having more at 4.6%.

Another interesting observation is that West Eurasian populations that show an excess of East Eurasian-like admixture appear to be doing so for two separate reasons. For example, HGDP Russians have 11.7% of Amerindian component, but also 4.5% of "Asian", and 1000 Genomes Finns have 3.3% Asian and 12% Amerindian. Behar et al. (2010) Turks, on the other hand, have 9.9% Asian and 2.2% Amerindian. All these populations are East Eurasian-shifted relative to Sardinians, a pattern which can also be observed by looking at the K=3 analysis, but for apparently different reasons.

The pattern for Near Eastern populations is also interesting. For example, Yunusbayev et al. (2011) Armenians have 0% of the Amerindian component, and 5.7% of the Asian, and all three HGDP Arab populations (Druze, Palestinian, Bedouin) also have 0% of the Amerindian component, with variable levels of the Asian.

It would appear that whatever process contributed Amerindian-like admixture in Europeans, minimally affected Near Eastern populations, with Sardinians being demonstrably related to Neolithic Europeans (thanks to ancient DNA evidence), tilting towards the Near Eastern pattern. On the other hand, Near Eastern populations show evidence of Asian admixture, which probably involves unresolved East Asian/ASI ancestry, and will be resolved at higher K. Sardinians appear to be at the end of three clines: (i) Amerindian-like cline of Europe-Siberia-Americas, (ii) East Asian-like cline of Europe-Central Asia/Siberia-East Asia, (iii) ASI-like cline of Europe-Near East-South Asia. These are separate, but not independent phenomena.

To confirm that the signal picked up by ADMIXTURE tracks the signal picked up by ADMIXTOOLS formal tests, I calculated the following D-statistic:

D(Sardinian, European, Karitiana, San)

where European is any population with a sample size of at least 10, and which belonged at 99% in the European+Amerindian components:


And, here is a scatterplot:
The correlation is clear, and the Pearson coefficient is -0.96. This means that populations with higher % Amerindian, as estimated by ADMIXTURE, also show higher D-statistic evidence for admixture.

What of the actual estimates of admixture produced by ADMIXTURE? Using the F4 ratio test, I recently showed that African admixture in Sardinians confounds estimates of Amerindian-like admixture in northern Europeans and vice versa (Amerindian-like admixture in northern Europeans confounds African admixture in Sardinians).

In that experiment, I "scrubbed" Sardinians to remove segments of African ancestry, and showed that estimates of Amerindian-like admixture in the CEU population diminished from 13.9% to 8.8%. The latter seems reasonably close to the 7.1% inferred by ADMIXTURE.

On balance, I would say that ADMIXTURE at K=4 provides a good proxy for the effect described in Patterson et al. (2012). Its results are more difficult to interpret, because its underlying model does not take into account evolutionary relationships between populations. On the other hand, it has the advantage of being able to handle multiple ancestral populations, and has consistently proven able to generate useful data that correlate well with those from other techniques of population genetics.

K. Pollmann et M. Gill (éd.), Augustine beyond the Book

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augustine.jpg

Karla Pollmann et Meredith Gill (éd.), Augustine beyond the Book. Intermediality, Transmediality and Reception, Leyde-Boston, 2012.

Éditeur : Brill
Collection : Brill's Series in Church History, 58
xxiii + 362 pages
ISBN : 978-90-04-22213-7
105 €

Augustine of Hippo (354-430) is arguably the most influential thinker and Latin author of the Early Christian period. His widespread legacy has been explored to date only in part, and largely with respect to his textual reception. This interdisciplinary volume attempts to redress this emphasis with a set of analyses of Augustine's impact in the visual arts, drama, devotional practices, music, the science-faith debate and psychotherapy. The included studies trace intricate and occasionally surprising instances of Augustine's ubiquitous presence in intellectual, spiritual and artistic terms.… read more The result is a far more differentiated and dynamic picture of the mechanisms by which the legacy of an historical figure may be perpetuated, including the sometimes supra-rational and imaginative dimensions of transmission.

Lire la suite...

Teaching Thursday: Rules of Writing (that I should follow too)

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I have just finished grading a stack of 100 level history papers and a few graduate student book reviews. A looming stack of 200 level history tests await. The papers were generally pretty good, but I feel like each semester I come up with a little list of observations that not only would help the students write more efficiently, but also help my own writing.

So in the spirit of self-critique (as much as anything), I offer them here:

1. Make your thesis obvious. In this regard, I’m old school. I like to see a thesis at the end of the introductory section of a paper. For a short paper (<6 pages), the thesis should come at the end of the first paragraph. The best thesis statements are clear, explicit, and suggest the organization of the paper to follow.

2. Build your paper from paragraphs. I suspect that the art of outlining a paper is nearly lost. The rise of short paragraphs and a journalistic style may have made the tradition of outlining a paper somehow obsolete. I still encourage students to see paragraphs not as long forms of sentences, but as the place for making arguments that support their thesis. In short papers, I recommend that each paragraph carry one supporting argument. In longer papers, divide your argument into clearly demarcated sections of several paragraph. Then, make sure each paragraph support the argument present in the section. 

3. Book reviews have three possible arguments. Almost all book reviews have only three possible arguments. (1) The book is good. (2) The book is bad. (3) The book is good, except for… The rest of the review should be evidence for these points.

4. The complex sentence. I know the complex sentence is hip these days. The rise of the semicolon has almost ensured that. I keep telling my students, however, to keep their sentences simple. This not only makes the task of composition easier, but makes papers easier to edit, proofread and revise. The simpler the grammar, the less of a chance of grammatical errors. I suggest that the exercise their desire for complexity at the level of the paragraph.

5. The three “Cs”: Capitalization, Contractions, and Commas. I feel like each year these three things cause me more and more grief, so I have come to accept that the rollback coming. First I started to let students use passive voice, then I became less and less concerned with which/that, and finally, I have given up on attempting to control comma use except in the most vital cases (e.g. in a compound sentence or in a complex series (I do try to insist on the Oxford comma)). So someday soon, I’ll have to accept that capitalization is a matter of individual taste and contractions reflect the changing rules of the language.



Johnny Nonnymus: "Me and My Mates Found the Sandridge Hoad With a Metal Detector and a JCB"

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Leon Watson, 'Novice treasure hunter who bought basic metal detector found 40 Roman coins worth £100,000', Daily Mail 16 October 2012.


An unnamed man, let's call him Johnny Nonnymus, bought a Garrett Ace 150 metal detector (retailing at around £135 and described as being ideal for children to use for a hobby) and went out into some woodland to the north of St Albans and within a few weeks had dug up a bunch of Roman gold coins.  Anyway when he'd hoiked out forty of them, he went back to the metal detector shop where he'd bought his gold-locating machine, asking them: 'What do I do with this?' The staff of the metal detecting shop Hidden History (Mark Sewell and Mark Becher) in Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, helped the finder arrange what the newspaper article describes as "the permits they needed" (and what would they be then? Did Mr Nonnymus not have already a permit to be searching and artefact-digging in those woods?) and "armed with a JCB [...] and [...] a couple of slightly more potent machines", together they "pulled 119 more coins out of the ground".  The find is believed to be one of the largest Roman gold coin hoards ever discovered in the UK  Local heritage officials have "refused to identify the exact site of the discovery or the landowner to stop others from trying to cash in. They also would not name the person who found them, who could profit from a share of the proceeds from the [sale of the] coins". They reckon that the hoard had been disturbed in the past by some sort of quarry activity or ploughing, as the coins were scattered over a distance of 15 metres. The hoard is now going through the Ttreasure process.

Well, anyway, it's difficult to keep a secret if tekkies are involved. As the web is reporting, the find was made at Sandridge in Hertfordhire, the finder's name seems to be "Simon" (?), the Regton simple-English presentation of the hoard (also revealing the parish name) is here. More importantly, there are two videos (one here and the other one here ) of the recovery at the beginning of this month on the 'Hidden History' website which should be more than enough to confirm exactly where to dig.

The videos show chaotic digging, the mechanical excavator is stripping an uneven area, and not doing a very neat job of it, the 'planum' is not at all level and covered with spill. Nobody is actually observing what is being dug away, people are too busy grubbing around for gold coins elsewhere on the site.  There are piles of spoil everywhere, not a single grid peg or laser theodolite visible. Men are working by (with their backs to!) an active machine with no protective clothing - hi-vis vests or hard hats. [Part of the background chat on the soundtrack is boasting that "we are all covered by insurance", not if basic Health and Safety principles are ignored, you are not, but you can sue the director of the project for negligence in the case of injury.] The archaeologists are standing around with their hands in their pockets watching the digging of narrow holes into the 'cleared' surface and with not a notebook, camera or tape measure in sight. Julian Watters turns up half way through the day. There is soil dumped on an area which is then subsequently being shown as being searched. What kind of ersatz guerilla-"archaeology" is this? It appears from the commentary of the video that the work took place in just three days.

I doubt looking at the leached soil that there has been ploughing on this part of this site, not even in WW2. If that is what the archaeologists want to claim, why not strip the area properly and document plough furrows in the subsoil? We areled to assume that it does not matter how carefully the recording is done as the finds are "without context". I would rather think that should be the subject of documentation, rather than an a priori assumption. What we see in the videos is not archaeology, its a mere hunt for artefacts.

Now we know where the find was made, we may observe that there is some detailed information  available to the armchair searcher about Roman Sandridge, and this includes (included because it seems to have been removed) a map of previous Roman coin finds made in the area by local postmaster and amateur historian Reg Auckland. Was this hoard found in this patch of woodland because the metal detectorist was targeting a likely site on the grounds of previous discoveries, thus increasing his chances of hitting it rich? Of course there is no way of knowing this as everybody concerned is keeping quiet about the actual circumstances of the discovery.  This total lack of transparency is at odds with officially stated English Heritage policy of allowing everybody free access to information about the heritage. Any heritage that is not findable with a metal detector, that is reserved for a special group of "partners".

If I were to guess where this is, I'd note the stretch of planted woodland 2.5 km to the east of the village, just north of a quarry (quarry activity is mentioned in the newspaper accounts). They say they are protecting the location to stop "others (other than whom?) from cashing in" on the find. First of all that totally ignores that piece of pro-collecting stuff and nonsens,  that by hoiking out finds like this artefact hunters are protecting ("rescuing") them from "rotting in the ground" (those agrichemicals and plough damage you understand - here in woodland). Secondly if that dig-and-run pseudo-archaeology did not recover all the finds (nationally important hoard they say), then why can we not hope that somebody else will finish the job of recovery?  Here though there is a problem, if Bazza Thugwit comes, gets permission, does it all by the book, plotting each coin and its attitude in the soil to the micro-centimetre,  he cannot 'cash in' on his work, under current UK law he'll not see a penny of the value. As the Treasure Act is written today, half of that would go to the original finder because the archaeologists did not recover all of "his" find. On finding another bit of this hoard, Bazza Thugwit can either be a good citizen and enrich his fellow tekkie - or say he found them somewhere else. Frankly, looking at those videos, it does not seem to me very likely that the archaeologists have recovered the whole deposit. If that is the case, then they are not doing the landowner any favours as anyone else coming at night is not going to share the profits of their digging with the landowner, the landowner will be out of pocket if the archaeologists do not do, did not do, the job properly. In fact it is in the landowner's interests now to hold a rally in his woods.


Photo: Johnny Nonnymus with his little machine is kept buy out of the working area while the metal detector dealers do the digging and the achaeologists watch on from the sidelines.

UK Heritage Transparency: Sandridge Hoard Videos Deleted

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Well, quelle surprise, the two highly revealing videos to which I gave a link yesterday seem to have "disappeared" down the tekkie Memory Hole. They are ex-videos, non-videos as far as they are concerned. A shame, but that's typical UK tekkie lack of transparency for you. "Thou, British public, shalt not see what we are doing to YOUR heritage". Never mind, I watched them both through three times and people have at least my account of what they show(ed). Of course you have to be able to have the attention span to read down that far, one forum member (age 56 from the West Riding) admits:
I got bored after the 1st paragraph
That's of course the problem, applauding when someone finds lots of shiny gold is easy, making up some glib story about it is fun. Talking about the wider issies in more detail is boring for peole like this, which is why it seldom happens. Yet policies should be based on precisely such wider public discussion of all the issues.

 Forum member Steve Rice on the other hand has a question (Tue Oct 16, 2012 9:19 pm):  
The 'found in woodland' bit interests me. I wonder if he had permission. 
well, I hope the Coroner's inquest (the function of which is to establish the circumstances of finding) addresses that issue. It is rather odd that the newspaper article suggests that permits to search for Treasure and dig on the site were only issued after the first forty coins were recovered. Is that really what happened? If so, it would be in the landowner's interest for this to be revealed, as it would mean that if the anonymous finder was acting illegally (such as detecting without permission), he could hardly be awarded half the reward, and the full sum would go to the landowner.  Perhaps, since he seems to have been involved in the recovery operation, the FLO will be asked to testify about what 'permits' were applied for, by whom and when.   

Italian police recover Roman statue stolen from Pompeii

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Italian police recover Roman statue stolen from Pompeii:

The head of an ancient Roman statue that could be of the mother of Emperor Nero has been recovered after being missing for decades, Italian police said on Thursday.

The funerary piece was stolen between 25 and 30 years ago from Pompeii, a Roman town that was buried by a volcanic eruption in 79 AD and is now one of Italy’s most famous ancient sites.

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The statue dates from between 100 B.C and 50 A.D when Rome was at its most powerful as the capital of a world empire and was found after an investigation into the art market by the military police of Piacenza in northern Italy.

The Department of Culture and Archaeology in Parma have judged it to be of “enormous interest” and likely to be of Agrippina the Younger, according to police, who said they did not know ther whereabouts of the body of the statue.

The Roman empress was one of the most prominent women of her time and the mother of Nero, an emperor famed for brutality. Some historical accounts say that Nero had his powerful mother killed.

Police said the terracotta head had been hidden for years by a dentist in Parma, who had tried to sell it but couldn’t because it was too conspicuous as a stolen work.

The head was recovered after the 62-year-old tried to sell it through an antiques dealer from Piacenza aged 36, who accidentally alerted police as he tried to find a buyer. Both are now charged with receipt and possession of archaeological goods.

Photo via il Piacenza.

Bagnall receives Festschrift

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ISAW Director Roger Bagnall was presented with Papyrological Texts in Honor of Roger S. Bagnall at a surprise champagne reception held at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in Paris on October 16, with colleagues from France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany, Switzerland, and the UK present to celebrate. The book will appear later this fall as American Studies in Papyrology, volume 53. It contains papyri and ostraca in various ancient languages edited by fifty papyrologists from Europe and North America.

Terracotta head from Pompeii recovered from Piacenza dealer

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I personally don't know anything about the original theft, but of course we can all celebrate the return of stolen sculpture to Pompeii...even if to my eyes this looks far too generic to be one of the Agrippinas.



Here is the story as Reuters reports it. (Full article here.)

The head of an ancient Roman statue that could be of the mother of Emperor Nero has been recovered after being missing for decades, Italian police said on Thursday.
The funerary piece was stolen between 25 and 30 years ago from Pompeii, a Roman town that was buried by a volcanic eruption in 79 AD and is now one of Italy's most famous ancient sites.
...
Police said the terracotta head had been hidden for years by a dentist in Parma, who had tried to sell it but couldn't because it was too conspicuous as a stolen work.
The head was recovered after the 62-year-old tried to sell it through an antiques dealer from Piacenza aged 36, who accidentally alerted police as he tried to find a buyer. Both are now charged with receipt and possession of archaeological goods.

And as reported by il Piacenza:
Ritrovato reperto inestimabile rubato a Pompei, lo aveva un piacentino
Un ritrovamento senza precedenti a Piacenza. E forse anche in tutta l'Emilia. Ora gli esperti ci dovranno lavorare per datarla con precisione, ma non ci sono dubbi sul fatto che la testa di statua ritrovata dai carabinieri del Nucleo investigativo nel laboratorio di un antiquario piacentino sia davvero un reparto antichissimo, databile intorno al primo secolo Avanti Cristo. Si tratta di una statua votiva, afferma una esperta della soprintendenza, realizzata in terracotta e che si inserisce storicamente geograficamente nella zona laziale. La statua dovrebbe essere scomparsa dagli scavi archeologici della zona una quarantina di anni fa, ad opera dei soliti tombaroli. Dovrebbe raffigurare Agrippina, la madre di Nerone. Per tutto questo tempo - secondo i carabinieri - sarebbe stata nella disponibilità di un dentista di Parma che di recente, qualche mese fa, l'avrebbe ceduta all'antiquario piacentino che ha provato a venderla. «Ma trattandosi di un reperto di tale importanza e che "scottava" - affermano i militari di viale Beverora - non è riuscito a venderla sul mercato clandestino delle opere d'arte rubate».
Ritrovato reperto inestimabile rubato a Pompei, lo aveva un piacentino
Anzi, la notizia che un commerciante a Piacenza voleva piazzare un reperto archeologico così raro, è arrivata anche all'orecchio del capitano Rocco Papaleo che con i suoi uomini, dopo un'indagine lampo tra un arresto per droga e l'altro, si è dedicato al caso. Fino a quando l'altro giorno i carabinieri in borghese si sono presentati nel laboratorio dell'antiquario piacentino, trovando la testa di Agrippina ben nascosta in uno scatolone nello scantinato. Il piacentino è finito nei guai per ricettazione, così come anche il dentista di Parma che gliel'aveva data da vendere.


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